The ethics of extension: policies of ownership and control for our cognitive apparatuses

Will Stronge

26th January 2026


The extended mind and Big Tech


In a previous blog, I introduced a concept of human cognitive functioning (Extended Mind Theory, ‘EMT’) that is theoretically plausible, useful in explaining our day-to-day activity, and ethical insofar as it can supply the foundations for thinking through notions of disability and practical routes to achieving equality. There, I started to indicate precisely why plans for the transformation and governance of our social and physical environment – i.e. social and economic policy – should be updated to reflect this model of human activity.

In this blog, I want to explore how an ‘extended view’ of human minds can also help us engage with contemporary topics such as the place of Big Tech in our lives.

To retread some ground: EMT cuts deep into our sense of self – specifically the boundaries of the self. If our minds are not bound by skin and skull, but are the product of ongoing bodily-environmental-technological feedback loops, then in important ways our selves are not one-to-one commensurate with our individual biological organism and its brain. This open relationship with an ‘outside’ means that EMT has important implications for our environment and technologies themselves (now that parts of this ‘external’ infrastructure are deeply integrated into our cognition).

Let’s take an everyday example from Chalmers:

If someone steals my smartphone, we typically think of this as theft. But if the extended-mind hypothesis is right, it’s more akin to assault. If the phone is part of me, then interfering with the phone is interfering with my person. (2023, p. 301)

Have you ever lost your phone and felt like your memories or some of your capacity to navigate the world have been taken away too? That’s because in a very real sense they have: we are structurally coupled to our phones. Chalmers writes in Reality+ that ‘at some point, our social and legal norms may need to change to acknowledge the extension of our minds’ (2023, p. 301). Extended cognition entails that certain things, and not just our bodies, are reasonably conceived as part of our ‘selves’ – the ‘reciprocal relationship’ that we constantly navigate in the world.

But in the smartphone example there is something else – or some set of actors – that Clark and Chalmers don’t reckon with: the various companies that determine what our phone is – and does – in the first place. Our phones and laptops have for a long time been accurately described as ‘tracking devices’ as much as personal tools (see McChesney’s excellent book from 2013 on this and more). The tech companies of the platform economy are reliant on keeping the data flowing and our digital interfaces as frictionless as possible; this means maintaining a large amount of control over our devices, in terms of information extraction and our navigation of their functionalities. As Jeremy Gilbert and Alex Williams note in their recent book Hegemony Now (2021), the obvious sign that Silicon Valley is one of the most dominant groups globally is the fact that everyone has a smartphone, which many of us consult every few minutes. In EMT language, this means that everyone is cognitively coupled with these phones and thus we have in some sense outsourced functions of our mind with, and into, these devices: notably memory (phone numbers), navigation (Apple’s Maps or Google Maps), communication and so on. We are extending our minds – or key functions of our minds – into parts of the world that are owned, monitored and (in key ways) manipulated, by a set of actors who likely have their own, independent material interests.

Let’s consider a contrast for a moment. If we adopted a non-extended (‘normal’) concept of mind – the traditional liberal notion of an individual subject who is affected at arms-length by external stimuli – then this situation may or may not be troubling: we “choose” to buy into the platform economy for convenience and we have an element of irreducible agency when it comes to how we process information that we are confronted with on our screens, and so on. We might consider the saturation of information that the mind observes to be ‘too much’, or the content to be so relentless that the independent mind can’t help but be affected, but it is still an open question.

But if we accept that this concept of mind is outdated and if we accept that cognitive processes traverse brain, body and our tools, and that we often ‘structurally couple’ with cognitive devices such as calculators, notepads, smartphones and laptops, then such external control and manipulation is a much bigger ethical issue. What does it mean to say that I pay a monthly rent to access part of my (extended) mind – as I do when I sign a two-year contract for a Google phone? Or to say that this part of my mind is also populated with adverts that I see on a daily basis? Should I have a say in how my extended mind is designed, and what functions it should have?

It is all the more urgent that we carry out this kind of (re)thinking of our minds (and their external hardwares) when you consider that the tech industry is no doubt already way ahead of us – conceiving of new ways to embed devices into our day to day mind operations. ‘Wearables’ (bits of data accumulating and transmitting tech that are strapped to parts of our body) are perhaps the most obvious candidate for devices which we could in theory (and in practice) become dependent on as part of our day to day routine. Big tech companies are already, in effect, adopting an extended concept of mind to capture our memories, experiences, habits and communications and translate these into data for profit and for (consumer) behaviour manipulation.

Political philosophy, or topics such as theories of culture, power and global capitalism, are not Chalmers’ and Clark’s specialisms – and they admit this. It is revealing, for example, in the way Chalmers uses Google as an example here:

It is true that if [technological memory] augmentation is taken away, we may remember less with our brains than we did before. Once we have books around, we have less need to commit ideas to our biological memory. Similarly, in the age of Google, there’s no need to remember addresses and phone numbers, so that if Google is taken away we may know less. But something like this is true for almost every technology. Once we came to rely on cars, our capacity for walking or running diminished. Heating technology has made us less practised at withstanding the cold. If someone took away our books, computers, cars, and furnaces, we’d be at a loss. But does this mean that technologies are a bad thing? Books, computers, cars, and furnaces are a central part of our lives, and for the most part, they’ve made us better off, not worse. The same goes for writing and the internet. (2023, p. 300)

He doesn’t acknowledge that while the search engine of Google is a (very common) technology like any other, it is also not the same as roads, heating and books or the internet itself, insofar as it is a private company that continuously benefits financially from our use of it (plus all that such a relationship entails) whilst those other things do not. It is more similar to a private gas company that extracts a rent to provide us heating (although we might not have a meaningful choice as to the provider); in Google’s case it extracts a rent to provide cognitive bandwidth: a quite different – and closer to home – prospect.

Of course, the same argument above applies in our physical navigation of the world. If the physical infrastructure of the town or city – part of our extended bodies and minds – is determined or outright owned by private companies, then it follows that these firms have a controlling lever over how we develop cognitively and physically. 

I want to make it clear that an extended/integrated position on these issues does not entail a resurgent humanism – where we have to draw an (inevitably shaky) line around what we define as ‘authentically’ human, perhaps to ward off technological ‘violations’ of our boundaries. We are, to repeat, natural-born cyborgs: the question is not whether to technologically integrate, but in what ways and to what ends.

What kind of policy questions does this raise – and what kind of solutions are required to fit our model of the mind?


The example of Google and its grip on our extended cognitive scaffolding points us towards an urgent need for governance models that treat cognitive resources not as private commodities but as part of a shared, public infrastructure. If we accept the premises of EMT, then cognitive functioning is not simply an internal affair, but something co-constituted by our environments, our tools, and the social systems in which we are embedded. This has profound implications for ownership, control, and design of the technologies that scaffold our thinking.

Cognitive resources unleashed

Much like clean air, roads, or language itself, many of the tools we now use to think, remember, and decide are embedded in shared systems – and increasingly, those systems are structured for private gain rather than collective benefit. If parts of our mind are co-constructed by infrastructures external to the body, then those infrastructures must be treated as constitutive of basic cognitive rights.

If a recognition of cognitive infrastructure as a form of public good or commons should guide the regulation of digital technologies, then this requires a reframing of existing policy frameworks to account for the idea that interference in these domains is not just about privacy or consumer protection but about bodily and mental autonomy. More concretely, this is evidently a very strong premise for the expropriation of these infrastructures from private hands into a kind of res communes, or common property.

Ownership

Who owns the tools through which we think, or which are part of the thinking process? If a key part of our minds’ everyday functioning is run through privately owned servers, interfaces, and software, then a very small subset of humanity – Big Tech firms – owns a stake in our cognition. This is not merely a commercial issue, but a deep existential one.

Technologies that serve core cognitive functions – memory storage, language mediation, perceptual filtering – should not be privatised. Publicly-funded development, open-source standards, and cooperative ownership models should be developed to ensure that individuals and communities have sovereign control over their extended minds.

A precedent here might be found in the municipal ownership of utilities in a great many places in the world (sadly not yet in the UK) – water, electricity, and transport – where monopoly control over basic life infrastructure is deemed socially and politically unacceptable.

Decision-making on uses and development:

The uses to which our extended cognitive technologies are put are obviously not neutral. Whether these devices push us toward distraction, commodification, or creative flourishing depends on how they are designed and governed.

There must be democratic oversight – not just of the data collected through digital tools, but of the design of the technologies themselves. Participatory design frameworks, algorithmic transparency mandates, and ethical review boards for cognitive technologies should become standard. More narrowly, for example, limits should be placed on demonstrably manipulative practices such as attention capture designs, or ad-saturated environments that degrade and slow down our extended cognitive bandwidth.

Lazar points to an alternative generative AI future, where generative AI is an enabling ‘scaffold’ (his words, chiming nicely with EMT vocabulary) to our day to day functioning, but crucially separated from the Big Tech platforms. He envisions LLMs as ‘Universal Intermediaries’ – a kind of designable interface to parse worldly information for the human agent:

If research on LLMs continues to make significant progress, so that highly capable Generative Agents can be run and operated locally, fully within the control of their users, these Universal Intermediaries could enable us to autonomously govern our own interactions with digital technologies in ways that the centralising affordances of existing digital technologies render impossible. Of course, self-governance alone is not enough (we must also coordinate). But excising the currently ineliminable role of private companies would be significant moral progress. (Lazar, 2024)

Universal Intermediaries – AI systems that enhance cognitive functioning while remaining under user control – offers a compelling roadmap. His key insight is that such systems should not be nested within the corporate logics of surveillance and behavioural manipulation, but designed to support self-governance and coordination. Perhaps the implication is that states should actively promote the development and distribution of non-extractive generative agents — digital scaffolds that are: run locally, not hosted centrally, customisable by the user or community, transparent in their operations, and shielded from commercial or political interference.

One potential model is the creation of a public AI agency, akin to a public health service, tasked with ensuring equitable access to cognitive infrastructure and providing regulatory oversight.

Availability and access

If cognitive technologies are extensions of the mind, then unequal access to them becomes a form of cognitive inequality. The digital divide is no longer just about connectivity, but the stratification of cognitive capacity itself.

Universal access to cognitive infrastructure must be seen as a fundamental social right. This could mean:

  • guaranteeing free or subsidised access to high quality devices
  • privacy preserving software
  • publicly-funded AI scaffolds

A new vista has opened

Without the above measures – and many more that we’ve yet to conceive – we risk entrenching a two-tier society: those with highly-integrated and high-functioning cognitive extensions, and those without.

This opens up an entirely new domain for research, experimentation, activism, and public innovation: a field concerned with the governance, design, and collective stewardship of our extended cognitive apparatuses. We might call it Integrationist Development: where cognitive science, workplace policy, political philosophy, technology design, and democratic theory can converge. This field would raise foundational questions: What are the minimum conditions for cognitive justice in an age of digital cognitive integration? What infrastructures best support human flourishing when thought itself is externalised? What forms of ownership and control are compatible with dignity, autonomy, and equality in this new cognitive ecology?

It will require coalitions across disciplines – ethicists, cognitive scientists, designers, policy-makers, community organisers – to prototype not only new tools but new institutions. It will demand that we think not just about what minds are, but about what kind of minds we want to become, and under whose control.

If the human mind is no longer confined to the skull, then neither are the politics that govern it. We need a politics — and a policy imagination — expansive enough to reckon with it.


Will Stronge is Chief Executive of the Autonomy Institute.